Our FPC is Countywide and unaffiliated from Government. We are working with other FPC across NYS to collaborate and advocate together. Food Policy Curious? Come to our Annual meeting in Schenectady on 11/17/26!
NYS Community Food Collaborative
These local organizations expand food access, coordinate emergency responses, and improve public health. Now they’re in danger.
By Naoki Nitta
June 22, 2026

Washington, D.C., Mayor Muriel Bowser presents her budget analysis to council members during her last budget forum at the Martin Luther King Jr. Memorial Library on April 10. (Photo credit: Jordan Tovin for The Washington Post via Getty Images)
On a spring afternoon in Washington, D.C.’s Ward 7, Natalia Kalloo set up a folding table outside a community center and asked passersby a deceptively simple question: What would make a farmers’ market work here? The predominantly Black ward, east of the Anacostia River, includes several food-insecure neighborhoods where supermarkets are scarce and no fresh produce is available beyond an easy walk. The answers she received were practical and specific.
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Residents asked for fresh local produce, healthy prepared foods, and culturally relevant offerings. Seniors needed a way to get there. Others emphasized Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) payment options, so families could use federal food benefits. And many described something harder to quantify: a market that felt like it belonged to the neighborhood, not another well-meaning promise about food access.
Kalloo is the founder of Victual Solutions, a nonprofit that helps food entrepreneurs find and grow opportunities across farmers’ markets and other sales channels. She is also a volunteer member of the Washington, D.C. Food Policy Council, a mayor-appointed advisory body created to broaden the voices shaping food policy decisions. Ward 7 Farmers Market is one example of that policy effort succeeding—of council advocacy converging with neighborhood outreach.
“Our approach is to glean from the community,” Kalloo said, “to create a market that represents the people it serves.”
Food policy councils, or FPCs, are roundtables found in hundreds of cities and regions across the country, bringing together public agencies, local advocates, and the people who grow, sell, serve, and distribute food. They occupy a hybrid space, connected to, though not always housed inside, government.
The councils are close enough to influence agencies and elected officials but broad enough to knit together many different elements of the local food system, from food access, agriculture, and small business to public health, procurement, and disaster relief.
D.C. was a national leader in bringing that model into city hall. A 2014 law, implemented as Mayor Muriel Bowser took office, made the district the first municipality to establish a government-based FPC, along with a food policy director and an Office of Food Policy within D.C.’s Office of Planning.
The council and office established public forums, policy priorities, reports for city leaders, and cross-agency work on programs ranging from produce prescriptions and medically tailored meals to farmers’ market access and food-business support.
Twelve years later, Bowser has moved to dismantle the D.C. FPC, looking for ways to trim the district’s budget. In April, her FY 2027 Budget Support Act proposed repealing the statute and eliminating the council, director’s office, and three full-time positions for $413,000 in first-year savings.
After community food advocates testified against the cuts, the D.C. Council—the district’s legislative branch—moved to restore funding for the FPC. A final vote is scheduled for June 23, but the Office of Food Policy will remain unstaffed for at least the rest of the year.
While drastic, D.C. isn’t unique. Denver and New Haven, Connecticut, have spent the past year quietly thinning the staff and partner networks that turn local food needs into programs and emergency responses. Whether these cases add up to a national trend remains unclear, yet they reveal a common weakness: The municipal infrastructure that gives food policy a formal place in city government can be dismantled quickly when budgets tighten—and with little notice, because these offices rarely have the power to defend themselves.
At a moment when federal funding for local food work is getting cut, frozen, or canceled, these cities are weakening the very capacity they’ve built to absorb such shocks: the staff, relationships, and institutional memory that connect gaps to action.
The Ward 7 farmers’ market was shaped by that kind of work. In council-led meetings, organizers, vendors, and food-access advocates identified the barriers that keep markets from opening in low-access areas: confusing permits, limited funding, and a lack of technical support. Those conversations helped inform the district’s 2025 Farmers Market Support Amendment Act, which makes it easier to launch and sustain these ventures in underserved communities.
Without the council, Kalloo said, the city risks “losing a dedicated body regularly listening to diverse food entrepreneurs, [and] eliminat[ing] the ongoing advocacy that keeps small food businesses and food jobs visible in budget and policy conversations.”
SNAP cuts, climate shocks, and rising hunger are also piling pressure on local food systems, Kalloo adds. “Who will be our new champion?”
‘A Bridge and a Navigation Tool’About 327 food policy councils currently operate across the country, according to Food Policy Networks, an independent national research and support hub for FPCs. Only about a quarter operate inside public agencies, though roughly 87 percent maintain ties to officials or agencies. Most are nonprofits, housed within one, or function as grassroots coalitions, often with shoestring budgets.
FPCs emerged in the 1980s in the absence of any formal “Department of Food,” to convene people working across the food chain—from production and distribution to public health, hunger relief, small business, and food waste—and coordinate work that otherwise fell between agencies.
During the COVID-19 pandemic, many shifted into crisis response, helping cities track service gaps, handle feeding logistics, and move food through systems that municipalities had never fully built.
Caroline Howe, who served as the D.C.’s food policy director from 2023 until late April of this year, described the office’s role as facilitating the council and its six working groups, producing food-systems research and plain-language legislative guides for the public, and convening agencies, nonprofits, and community members on food issues ranging from urban agriculture to emergency response.
“It’s a bridge and a navigation tool” between residents and agencies, she said.
That collaborative capacity has mattered in crises. During the pandemic, the food policy team helped steer the city’s feeding response.
Much of the D.C. office and council’s work happens behind the scenes, translating public input and policy analysis into programs before they have formal names. After food businesses described the difficulty of navigating scattered technical-assistance resources and securing early-stage capital, council working groups helped shape the proposal that became Nourish D.C.
Launched in 2021 through D.C.’s economic development office, this public-private collaborative offers grants, flexible loans, and business assistance through community lenders. That work helped position a $2 million investment of American Rescue Plan Act relief funds to leverage more than $23 million in additional capital for locally owned food entrepreneurs.
That collaborative capacity has mattered in crises. During the pandemic, the food policy team helped steer the city’s feeding response. And when government shutdowns disrupted benefits and paychecks in a city where roughly one in eight workers holds a federal job, it compiled local food resources into a single online portal.
That work is becoming more urgent, Howe said, with growing food insecurity: More than 300,000 district residents live in areas classified as low food access, according to testimony on the 2025 farmers’ market bill. As federal support shrinks and food-system pressures grow, “the district is no longer resource-rich, so we can’t afford to be coordination-poor,” Howe added.
While the office and FPC have not yet been formally eliminated, their staffing has already been hollowed out. Since Howe’s dismissal in April, her former position has remained unfilled, and her small team has been scattered across other departments. Next week’s budget vote could still preserve both entities, though the Office of Planning declined to comment, and Mayor Bowser’s office did not respond to questions from Civil Eats.
Elsewhere, the FPC retreat has been less explicit than D.C.’s proposed repeal, but the effect is similar: fewer people inside government connecting food access, public health, small businesses, and emergency response.
Last year in Denver, a $200 million budget crisis hit the city and county of Denver, which function as one government entity. Its climate office food systems team, which supported the Denver Sustainable Food Policy Council, lost staff, including longtime administrator Laine Cidlowski. During her seven-year tenure, the office developed the city’s long-term Food Vision, a 2030 plan focused on healthy food access, local food businesses, and resilience. It also created a food interagency group, made up of different city departments, that created a centralized food resource hub and works to align and advance Denver’s food-system priorities.
New Haven shows the same fragility from another angle. Its formal FPC has been dormant since 2021; in its absence, some of its connective work has shifted to the city’s Food System Policy Division, which operates largely through grant-funded projects. The division helped secure urban-agriculture and compost grants from the U. S. Department of Agriculture and launched Grow New Haven, a portal guiding food and agriculture entrepreneurs through local red tape.
This year, after advocates pushed to restore funding for the Community Food Action Network, a key emergency-food partner network the division coordinates, the city moved to add $350,000 to support local pantries.
Rather than disappearing, the burden often shifts to nonprofits and emergency providers already meeting immediate needs.
Karen Bassarab, a senior program officer at the Johns Hopkins Center for a Livable Future, which housed Food Policy Networks for more than a decade, has studied food policy councils nationally and helped lead the network’s census of the field. She said the three cities don’t add up to a national pattern so far, although its councils may be threatened as a newer municipal responsibility, one without the institutional standing of housing or transportation. Government-embedded councils are most vulnerable, she added.
Funding can vanish overnight, and without a transition plan—something many councils lack—“they’re dissolved.”
Rather than disappearing, the burden often shifts to nonprofits and emergency providers already meeting immediate needs. What becomes harder to sustain is the slower work of prevention and preparedness: building the partnerships and plans that link food access to public health, land use, small-business development, and disaster readiness, the value of which is impossible to quantify.
“Long-term change doesn’t carry numbers in the same way,” said Bassarab.
Marissa Baron, network director at Food Policy Networks, makes the related point from the other side: Those relationships have to exist before a crisis. Councils may become most visible in emergencies, she said, but only because quieter work has already connected agencies, food providers, advocates, and residents.
“That relational infrastructure supports communities during particularly challenging times,” she said.
A Different Kind of DurabilityAustin and Travis County, Texas, offer a different lesson in durability: Their board has weathered nearly two decades of budget cycles in part because there’s almost nothing to eliminate. The Austin-Travis County Food Policy Board has no dedicated funding—city and county staff support it through existing positions.
Edwin Marty, Austin’s food policy manager, said the tradeoff is scope. Instead of running programs, steering emergency food operations, or dedicating an office to implementation, the board’s sole charge is drafting policy recommendations.
That narrow yet consequential mandate has pushed Austin to treat food access as a land-use issue. And after COVID-19 and Winter Storm Uri exposed local supply-chain vulnerabilities, the board helped spur the first joint city-county food plan. Adopted in 2024, the long-range roadmap addresses regional food access, waste and recovery, local agriculture, and emergency preparedness.
The board gives residents “agency in their community,” said Marty, by turning local concerns into policy recommendations. Part of its mandate is ensuring residents have a voice in decisions that shape their community’s food system.
Back in D.C., the FPC has received a partial reprieve through Councilmember Christina Henderson, who chairs the Committee on Health and introduced the farmers’ market bill. On May 20, her committee recommended restoring the Office of Food Policy and Food Policy Council, relocating them to the district’s public-health agency, and funding three full-time positions, according to Sierra Wallace, Henderson’s communications director.
Henderson has publicly stated that she does not expect the positions to be filled this year, though Wallace noted that the Council has no authority over the hiring timeline.
Wallace framed the recommendations as a response to both the office’s track record and the pressures ahead: The need to bring federal food dollars into the district, support local businesses and farmers’ markets, and coordinate during emergencies. Preserving that capacity is “especially critical now,” she said, as federal food assistance shrinks.
Marty sees the stakes as civic, not just administrative. Without an official “Department of Food,” communities need a forum where people across the food system can shape policy together.
“Food policy councils are one of the purest forms of democracy,” he said.
An earlier version of this article misstated which Denver government office was affected by the budget shortfall and included an outdated link. Both have been corrected.
Naoki Nitta is a freelance writer based in Northern California, focused on food and sustainability issues. His work has appeared in Modern Farmer, Grist, Smithsonian Magazine, San Francisco Chronicle, and other publications. Read more >
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